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ad mcc@ ad mcc, f ree$e rvexo . u k
J. Landowsky .
Translator : George Knupjfer.
The material here given is a translation of Ch. XL of a book which
appeared in Madrid in Spanish as “Sinfonia en Rojo Mayor,” and is
now past its 11th Edition, produced by Editorial E.R.S.A. under the
well-known publisher Senor Don Mauricio Carlavilla, who has very
kindly agreed to this English translation and publication. As soon as
possible the full book of over 800 pp. will follow.
The given chapter is of immense importance. It is here translated
from a Russian edition as well as from die Spanish. It is a complete
material on its own.
The translator’s own book on “The Struggle for World Power” also
deals with the whole problem of super-power and global enslavement
through the masters of both usury-Capitalism and terroristic Com-
munism, which are both the tools of the same forces and serving the
same purpose. The book has been published in Madrid in Spanish by
Senor Carlavilla as “La Lucha por el Poder Mundial.”
In the present work we see this whole story brilliantly described
and proved by one of the major exponents of the subversive take-over
of the world, Christian G. Rakovsky, one of the founders of Soviet
Bolshevism and also a victim of the show trials just before the last
war under Stalin. This is a document of historical importance and
nobody who wants to be well-informed should fail to read and recom-
mend it. Not to know the thesis here described is to know and under-
stand nothing concerning the chief events and prospects of our time.
In the Spanish book Senor Carlavilla explains the origin of the
material in question. He says:
“This is the result of a painstaking translation of several copybooks
found on the body of Dr. Landowsky in a hut on the Petrograd front
(Leningrad) by a Spanish volunteer.
“He brought them to us. In view of the condition of the manuscripts,
their restoration was a long and tiring job, lasting several years. For a
long time we were not sure if they could be published. So extraordinary
and unbelievable were his final disclosures that we would never have
dared to publish these memoirs if the persons and events mentioned had
not accorded fully with the facts.
“Before these reminiscences saw the light of day we prepared our-
selves for proofs and polemics. We answer fully and personally for
the veracity of the basic facts.
“Let us see if anyone will be able to disprove them. .
Dr. Landowsky was a Russianized Pole and lived in Russia. His
father, a Colonel of the Russian Imperial Army, was shot by the
Bolsheviks during the 1917 revolution. The life- story of Dr. Landowsky
is astonishing. He finished the Faculty of Medicine in Russia before
the revolution and then studied two years at the Sor bonne in Paris, and
he spoke fluent French. He was interested in the effects of drugs on the
human organism, to help surgeons in operations. Being a talented
doctor, he carried out experiments in this field and had achieved con-
However, after the revolution all roads were closed to him. He
lived with his family in great need, earning a living by chance jobs. Not
being able to publish learned papers in his own name, he permitted a
more fortunate colleague to publish them in his own name.
The all-seeing NKVD (secret police) became interested in these
works and easily discovered the real author. His speciality was very
valuable for them. One day in 1936 there was a knock at the doctor’s
door. He was invited to follow, and he was never again allowed to
rejoin his family. He was placed in the building of the chemical
laboratory of the NKVD near Moscow. He lived there and was forced
to carry out various jobs given him by his masters, he was a witness
at questionings, tortures and the most terrible happenings and crimes.
Twice he was abroad, but always under control, as a prisoner. He knew
and suffered much, especially as he was a decent and religious man.
He had the courage to keep notes of what he has seen and heard, and
he kept whenever possible such documents and letters as passed through
his hands, hiding all this in the hollow legs of his table in the chemical
laboratory. So he lived until the Second World War. How he came
to Petrograd and how he was killed is not known.
The document given below is an exact recorded report of the
questidning Of the former Ambassador in France, C. G. Rakovsky during
the period oLfMtrials of the Trotzkyists in the USSR in 1938, when
he was tried together with Bukharin, Rykoff, Yagoda, Karakhan, Dr.
Levin and others
Insofar as the accused Rakovsky made it clear, having in mind
the sparing of his life, that he could give information about matters of
very special interest, Stalin gave orders to his foreign agent to carry out
It is known that Rakovsky was sentenced to be shot, like the others,
but was reprieved and given 20 years of prison.
Very interesting is the description of the above mentioned agent.
This was a certain Rene Duval (also known as Gavriil Gavriilovitch
Kus’min), the son of a millionaire, very good looking and talented. He
studied in France. His widowed mother adored him. But the young
man was carried away by Communist propaganda and fell into the
hands of their agency. They suggested that he should study in Moscow,
and he gladly accepted the proposal. He passed through the severe
school of the NKVD and became a foreign agent, and when he wanted
to change his mind, it was too late. They do not let people out of their
grip. By the exercise of will-power he reached the “heights of evil/’ as
he called it, and enjoyed the full confidence of Stalin himself.
The questioning took place in French by this agent. The doctor
was present in order to put drug pills unnoticed into the glass of
Rakovsky, to induce energy and a good mood. Behind the wall the
conversation was registered on apparatus, and the technician who operated
it did not understand French. Then Dr. Landowsky had to translate
into Russian, with two copies, for Stalin and Gabriel. Secretly he dared
to make a third carbon copy, which he hid away.
* * *
X-RAY OF REVOLUTION
I returned to the laboratory. My nervous system bothered me and
I prescribed myself complete rest. 1 am in bed almost the whole day.
Here 1 am quite alone tor already four days. Gabriel enquired about
me every day. He has to reckon with my condition. At the mere thought
that they could again send me to the Lubianka (Moscow HQ of the
secret police) to be present at a new scene of terror I become excited
and tremble. I am ashamed of belonging to the human race. How low
have people fallen! How low have I fallen!
* * *
These lines are all I was able to write after five days following my
return from the Lubianka, when trying to describe on paper the horror,
and thereby interrupting the chronological order of my notes. I could
not write. Only after several months, when Summer began, I was able
calmly and simply to set out all that I had seen, disgusting, vicious,
evil. . .
During these past months I asked myself a thousand times the
same question; “Who were the people who were anonymously present
at the torture?” I strained all my mtuitive and deductive capabilities.
Was it Ezhov? It is possible, but I see no reason why he should have
concealed himself. Officially he is responsible and the fear which made
him hide does not lead to a logical explanation. Even more: if I have
any reason for describing myself as a psychologist, then this fanatic,
the chief of the NKVD, with signs of abnormality, would be certain
to enjoy a criminal display. Such things as the expression of haughtiness
in front of a humbled enemy, who had been converted into a wreck
psychologically and physically, should have given him an unhealthy
pleasure. I analyzed still further. The absence of prior preparation
was obvious; evidently the decision to call this satanic session had been
taken in a hurry. The circumstance that I had been appointed to be
present was the result of a sudden agreement. If Ezhov had been able
to chose the time freely, then timely preparations would have been made.
And then I would not have been called; that general of the NKVD
who was hardly able to come in time, for the purpose of being present
at the torture, would have known about this beforehand. If this was not
Ezhov, then who had decided on the time? Which other chief was able
to arrange it all? However poor are my informations about the Soviet
hierarchy, but above Ezhov in affairs along the line of the NKVD there
is only one man — Stalin. Therefore it was he?. . .
Asking myself these questions, which arose from my deductions, I
remembered yet other facts in support of my opinion. I remembered
that when I looked from the window over the square a few minutes
before we went down to the “spectacle” I saw how there drove across
it four large identical cars; all we Soviet people know that Stalin travels
in a caravan of identical machines, so that nobody would know in which
he is sitting, to make attack more difficult. Was he there?. . .
But here I came across another mystery: according to the details
which Gabriel gave me, the hidden observers were to sit behind our
back. But there I could only see a long mirror, through which nothing
could be seen. Perhaps it was transparent? I was puzzled.
* * *
Only seven days passed when one morning Gabriel appeared in the
house. I found that he had an energetic and enthusiastic appearance
and was in an optimistic mood. Yet these flashes of happiness which
lit up his face at first, did not return later. It seemed as if he wanted
to chase away the shadows which passed over his face by increased
activity and' mental exertion.
After lunch he told me:
“We have a guest here.”
“Who is it” Tasked.
“Rakovsky, the former Ambassador in Paris.”
“I do not know him.”
“He is one of those whom I pointed out to you on that night; the
former Ambassador in London and Paris. . , Of course a big friend of
your acquaintance Navachin. . . Yes, this man is at ray disposal. He is
here with us; he is being well treated and looked after. You shall see
“I, why? You know well that I am not curious about matters of
this kind. . . I would ask you to spare me this sight; I am still not quite
well after what you had forced me to see. I cannot guarantee my
nervous system and heart.”
“Oh, do not worry. Now we are not concerned with force. This
man has already been broken. No blood, no force. It is only necessary
to give him moderate doses of drugs. Here I have brought you details:
they are from Levin*, who still serves us with his knowledge. Apparently
there is a certain drug somewhere in the laboratory, which can work
“You believe all this?”
“I am speaking in symbolic form. Rakovsky is inclined to confess
to everything he knows about the matter. We have already had a
preliminary talk with him, and the results are not bad.”
“In that case why is there a need for a miraculous drug?”
“You will see, doctor, you will see. This is a small safety measure,
dictated by the professional experience of Levin. It will help to achieve
that our man being questioned would feel optimistic and would not lose
hope and faith. He can already see a chance of saving his life as a
long shot. This is the first effect which we must attain. Then we must
make sure that he would all the time remain in a state of the experience
of the decisive happy moment, but without losing his mental capacities;
more exactly, it will be necessary to stimulate and sharpen them. He
must have induced in him a quite special feeling. How can one express
it? More exactly a condition of enlightened stimulation.”
“Something like hypnosis?”
“Yes, but without sleepiness.”
“And I must invent a drug for all this? I think you exaggerate
my scientific talents. I cannot achieve it.”
* Former NKVD doctor, was a co-defendant with Rakovsky at the trial.
“Yes, but it is unnecessary to invent anything, doctor. As for Levin,
he asserts that the problem has already been solved.”
“He always left me with the impression of being something of a
charlatan. . .”
“Probably yes, but I think that the drug he has mentioned, even if
it is not as effective as he claims, will still help us to achieve the neces-
sary; after all, we need not expect a miracle. Alcohol, against our will,
makes us speak nonsense. Why cannot another substance encourage us
to say the reasonable truth? Apart from that, Levin had told me of
previous cases, which seem to be genuine.”
“Why do you not want to force him to take part in this affair once
more? Or will he refuse to obey?”
“Oh no, he would like to. It is enough to want to save or to
extend your life with the help of this or another service, for not refusing.
But it is I myself who does not want to use his services. He must not
hear anything of that which Rakovsky will tell me. Not he, not
“Therefore I. . .”
“You — that is another matter, doctor. You are a deeply decent
person. But I am not Diogenes, to rush to look for another over the
snowy distances of the USSR.”
“Thank you, but I think that my honesty. . ”
“Yes, doctor, yes; you say that we take advantage of your honesty
for various depravities. Yes, doctor, that is so. . . ; but it is only so
from your absurd point of view. And who is attracted to-day by
absurdities? For example such an absurdity as your honesty? You
always manage to lead one away towards conversation about most attrac-
tive things. But what, in fact, will take place? You must only help
me to give the correct doses of Levin’s drug. It would appear that in
the dosage there is an invisible line which divides sleep from a state of
activity, a clear condition from a befogged one, good sense from non-
sense . . . ; there can come an artificial excessive enthusiasm.”
“If that is all. . .”
“And yet something else. Now we shall speak seriously. Study
the instructions of Levin, weigh them, adapt them reasonably to the
condition and strength of the prisoner. You have time for study until
nightfall; you can examine Rakovsky as often as you wish. And that
is all for She moment. You would not believe how terribly I want to
sleep. I shall sleep a few hours. If by evening nothing extraordinary
happens then I have given instructions that I am not to be called. I would
advise you to have a good rest after dinner, because after that it will
not be possible to sleep for a long time.”
We entered the vestibule. Having taken his leave from me he
quickly ran up the stairs, but in the middle he halted.
“Ah, doctor — he exclaimed — I had forgotten. Many thanks from
Comrade Ezhov. Expect a present, perhaps even a decoration.”
He waved me goodbye and rapidly disappeared on the staircase
landing of the top floor.
* * *
The notes of Levin were short, but clear and exact. I had no
difficulty in finding the medicine. It was in doses of a milligram in
tiny tablets. I made a test and, in accordance with his explanation, they
dissolved very easily in water and better still in alcohol The formula
was not indicated there, and I decided later to make a detailed analysis,
when I shall have the time.
Undoubtedly it was some substance of the specialist Lumenstadt,
that scientist of whom Levin bad spoken to me during the first meeting.
I did not think I would discover during analysis something unexpected
or new. Probably again some base with a considerable amount of
opiuxn of a piore active kind than tebain. I was well acquainted with
19 main types and some more besides. In those practical conditions
in whicjht my experiments were conducted I was satisfied with those facts
which my investigations had yielded.
Although my work had an altogether different direction, yet I was
quite at home in the realm of hallucinatory substances. I remembered
that Leyin had told me of the distillation of rare types of Indian Hemp.
I was bound to be dealing with opium or hashish, in order to penetrate
the secret of this much praised drug. I would have been glad to have
had the opportunity of coming across one or more new bases which gave
rise to his “miraculous” qualities. In principle I was prepared to
assume such a possibility. After all the work of investigation in con-
ditions of unlimited time and means, while not having to reckon with
economic limitations, which was possible in conditions of the NKVD,
provided unlimited scientific possibilities. I flattered myself with the
illusion of being able to find, as the result of these investigations, a new
weapon in my scientific fight against pain.
I could not give much time to the diversion of such pleasant
illusions. I concentrated my thoughts in order to think how and in
what proportion I shall have to give Rakovsky this drug. According to
the instructions of Levin, one tablet would have to produce the desired
result. He warned that if the patient had any heart weakness there could
follow sleepiness and even complete lethargy, with a consequent dimming
of the mind. While bearing all this in mind, I had first of all to examine
Rakovsky. I did not expect to find the internal condition of his heart
to be normal. If there were no damage, then surely there would be a
lowering of tone as the result of the nervous experiences, as his system
could not have remained unchanged after a long and terrifying torture.
I put off the examination until after lunch. I wanted to consider
everything, both for the case that Gabriel would want to give the drug
with the knowledge of Rakovsky, as also without his knowledge. In
both cases I would have to busy myself with him, insofar as I myself
would have to give him the drug, of which I had been told concretely.
There was no need for the participation of a professional, as the drug
was given by mouth.
After lunch I went to visit Rakovsky. He was kept locked up in
one room of the ground floor and was guarded by one man, who did not
take his eyes off him. Of furniture there was only one small table, a
narrow bed without ends and another small, rough table. When I entered
Rakovsky was sitting. He immediately got up. He looked at me
closely and I read in his face doubt and, it seemed, also fright. I think
he must have recognized me, having seen me when he sat that memorable
night at the side of the generals.
I ordered the guard to leave and told him to bring me a chair.
I sat down and asked the prisoner to sit. He was about 50 years old.
He was a man of medium height, bald in front, with a large, fleshy nose.
In youth his face was probably pleasant. His facial outlines were not
typically Semitic, but his origin was nevertheless clear. Once upon a
time he was probably quite fat, but not now, and his skin hung every-
where, while his face and neck were like a burst balloon, with the air
let out. The usual dinner at the Lubianka was apparently too strict a
diet for the former Ambassador in Paris At that moment I made no
“You smoke?” I asked, opening the cigarette case, with the intention
of establishing somewhat more intimate relations with him.
“I gave up smoking in order to preserve my health” he replied with
a very pleasant tone of voice, “but I thank you; I think I have now
recovered from my stomach troubles.”
He smoked quietly, with restraint and not without some elegance.
“I am a doctor” I introduced myself.
“Yes I know that; I saw how you acted ‘there’ ” he said with
“I came to enquire about the state of your health. How are you?
Do you suffer from any illness?”
“Are you sure? What about your heart?”
“Thanks to the results of enforced dieting I do not observe in myself
any abnormal symptoms.”
“There are some which cannot be noticed by the patient himself:,
but only by a doctor.”
“I am a doctor” he interrupted me.
“A doctor?” I repeated in surprise. ,x.
“Yes, didn’t you know?” %
“Nobody had told me of it. I congratulate you. I shall be very
glad to be of use to a colleague and, possibly, a fellow student. Where
did you study? In Moscow or Petrograd?”
“Oh no! At that time I was not a Russian subject. I studied in
Nancy and Montpellier; in the latter I received my doctorate.”
“This means that we may have studied at the same time; I did
several courses in Paris. Were you French?”
“I intended to become French. I was bom a Bulgarian, but without
asking my permission I was converted into a Rumanian. My province
was Dobrudga, where I was bom, and after the peace treaty it went
“Permit me to listen to your chest” — and I put the stethoscope in
He took off his tom jacket and stood up. I listened. The examination
shewed nothing abnormal; as I had assumed, weakness, but without
“I suppose one must give food for the heart.”
“Only the heart, comrade?” he asked ironically.
“I think so” I said, pretending not to have noticed the irony, “I
think your diet, too, should be strengthened.”
“Permit me to listen to myself.”
“With pleasure” — and I gave him the stethoscope.
He quickly listened to himself.
“I had expected that my condition would be much worse. Many
thanks. May I put my jacket on?”
“Of course. Let us agree, then, that it is necessary to take a few
drops of digitalis, don’t you think?”
“You consider that absolutely essential? I think that my old heart
will survive the few days or months which remain to me quite well.”
“I think otherwise; I think that you will live much longer.”
“Do not upset me, colleague. . . To live more! To live still
longer! ... There must be instructions about the end; the court case
cannot last longer. . . And then, then rest.”
And when he said this, having in mind the final rest, it seemed that
his face had the expression of happiness almost. I shuddered. This wish
to die, to die soon which I read in his eyes, made me faint. I wanted
to cheer him up from a feeling of compassion.
“You have not understood me, comrade. I wanted to say that in
your case it may be decided to continue your life, but life without suffer-
ing. For what have you been brought here? Does one not treat you
“The latter, yes, of course. Concerning the rest I have heard hints,
but. . .”
I gave him another cigarette and then added:
“Have hope. For my part and to the extent which my chief will
allow, I shall ao everything that can depend on me, to make sure that
you come to no harm. I shall begin immediately by feeding you, but
not excessively, bearing in mind the state of your stomach. We shall
begin with a milk diet and some more substantial additions. I shall give
instructions at once. You may smoke . . take some . . .” and I left
him everything that remained in the packet.
I called the guard and ordered him to light the prisoner’s cigarette
whenever he wants to smoke. Then I left and before having a couple
of hours rest I gave instructions that Rakovsky was to have half a litre
of milk with sugar.
♦ ♦ ♦
We prepared for the meeting with Rakovsky at midnight. Its
“friendly” character was stressed in all the details. The room was well
warmed, there was a fire in the fire-place, soft lighting, a small and well-
chosen supper, good wines; all had been scientifically improvised. “As
for a lovers meeting,” observed Gabriel. I was to assist. My chief
responsibility was to give the prisoner the drug in such a manner that
he would not notice it. For this purpose the drinks had been placed as
if by chance near me, and I shall have to pour out the wine. Also I would
have to observe the weakening of the drug’s effect, so as to give a new
dose at the right moment. This was my most important job. Gabriel
wants, if the experiment succeeds, to get already at the first meeting real
progress towards the essence of the matter. He is hopeful of success.
He has had a good rest and is in good condition. I am interested to
know how he will struggle with Rakovsky who, it seems to me, is an
opponent worthy of him.
Three large arm-chairs were placed before the fire. The one nearest
the door is for me, Rakovsky will sit in the middle, and in the third
will be Gabriel, who had shewn his optimistic mood even in his clothes,
as he was wearing a white Russian shirt.
It had already struck midnight when they brought the prisoner to
us. He had been given decent clothes and had been well shaved. I looked
at him professionally and found him to be livelier.
He asks to be excused for not being able to drink more than one
glass, mentioning the weakness of his stomach. I did not put the drug
into this glass and regretted it.
The conversation began with banalities ... Gabriel knows that
Rakovsky speaks much better French than Russian and begins in that
language. There are hints about the past. It is clear that Rakovsky is
an expert conversationalist. His speech is exact, elegant and even
decorative. He is apparently very erudite; at times lie quotes easily and
always accurately. Sometimes he hints at his many escapes, at exile,
about Lenin, Plekhanov, Luxemburg, and he even said that when he was
a boy he had shaken the hand of the old Engels.
We drink whisky. After Gabriel had given him the opportunity
of speaking for about half an hour, I asked as if by chance: “Should
I add more soda water?” “Yes, add enough” he replied absentmindedly.
I manipulated the drink and dropped a tablet into it, which I had been
holding from the very beginning. First I gave Gabriel some whisky,
letting him know by a sign that the job had been done. I gave Rakovsky
his glass and then began to drink mine. He sipped it with pleasure.
“I am a small cad” I told myself. But this was a passing thought and
it dissolved in the pleasant fire in the fire-place.
Before Gabriel came to the main theme, the talk had been long
I had been fortunate in obtaining a document which reproduces
better than a shorthand note all that had been discussed between Gabriel
and Rakovsky. Here it is:
THE QUESTIONING OF THE ACCUSED CHRISTIAN
GEORGIEVITCH RAKOVSKY BY GAVRIIL GAVRIILOVITCH
KUS’MIN ON THE 26th JANUARY, 1938.
Gavriil G. Kus’min. In accordance with our agreement at the
Lubianka, I had appealed for a last chance for you; your presence in
this house indicates that I had succeeded in this. Let us see if you will
not deceive us.
Christian G. Rakovsky. I do not wish and shall not do that.
G.— But first of all: a well-meant warning. Now we are concerned
with the real truth. Not the “official” truth, that which is to figure at
the trial in the light of the confessions of the accused. . . This is
something which, as you know, is fully subject to practical considera-
tions, or “considerations of State” as they would say in the West. The
dema&ife pf international polities will force us to hide the whole truth,
the • . VWwtfevfcr may be the course of the trial, but
governments and peoples will only be told that which they should know.
But he who must know everything, Stalin, must also know all this. There-
fore, whatever may be your words here they cannot make your position
worse. You must know that they will not worsen your crime but, on the
contrary, they can give the desired results in your favour. You will be
able to save your life, which at this moment is already lost. So now I
have told you this, but now let us see: you will all admit that you are
Hitler’s spies and receive wages from the Gestapo and OKW*.
Is that not so?
G. — And you are Hitler’s spies?
G. — No, Rakovsky, no. Tell the real truth, but not the court
R. — We are not spies of Hitler, we hate Hitler as you can hate him,
as Stalin can hate him; perhaps even moire so, but this is a very complex
question. . .
G. — I shall help you. . . By chance I also know one or two things.
You, the Trotzkyists, had contacts with the German Staff. Is that not so?
G. — From which period?
R— I do not know the exact date, but soon after the fall of
Trotzky. Of course before Hitler’s coming to power.
G. — Therefore let us be exact: you were neither personal spies of
Hitler, nor of his regime.
R. — Exactly. We were such already earlier.
G. — And for what purpose? With the aim of giving Germany
victory and some Russian territories?
R. — -No, in no case.
G. — Therefore as ordinary spies, for money?
R. — For money? Nobody received a single Mark from Germany.
Hitler has not enough money to buy, for example, the Commissar for
Foreign Affairs of the USSR, who has at his disposal freely a budget
which is greater than the total wealth of Morgan and Vanderbilt, and
who does not have to account for his use of the money.
G. — Well, then for what reason?
R. — May I speak quite freely?
G. — Yes, I ask you to do so; for that reason you have been invited.
R. — Did not Lenin have higher aims when he received help from
Germany in order to enter Russia? And is it necessary to accept as
true those libellous inventions which had been circulated to accuse him?
Was he not also called a spy of the Kaiser? His relations with the
Emperor and the German intervention in the affair of the sending to
Russia of the Bolshevik destroyers — are quite clear.
* OKW — Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, Supreme Command of the German
Army — Transl.
G. — Whether it is true or not does not have any bearing on the
R. — -No, permit me to finish. Is it not a fact that the activity of
Lenin was in the beginning advantageous to the German troops? Permit
me. . . There was the separate peace of Brest-Litovsk, at which huge
territories of the USSR were ceded to Germany. Who had declared
defeatism as a weapon of the Bolsheviks in 1913? Lenin. I know by
heart his words from his letter to Gorky: “War between Austria and
Russia would be a most useful thing for the revolution, but it is hardly
possible that Francis- Joseph and Nicholas would present us with this
opportunity.” As you see, we, the so-called Trotzkyists, the inventors
of the defeat in 1905, continue at the present stage the same line, the line
G. — With a small difference, Rakovsky; at present there is Socialism
in the USSR, not the Tsar.
R. — You believe that?
R. — In the existence of Socialism in the USSR?
G. — Is the Soviet Union not Socialist?
R. — -For me only in name. It is just here that we find the true
reason for the opposition. Agree with me, and by the force of pure logic
you must agree, that theoretically, rationally, we have the same right to
say— no, as Stalin can say — yes. And if for the triumph of Communism
defeatism can be justified, then he who considers that Communism has
been destroyed by the bonapartism of Stalin and that he betrayed it, has
the same right as Lenin to become a defeatist.
G. — I think, Rakovsky, that you are theorizing thanks to your
manner of making wide use of dialectics. It is clear that if many people
were present here, I would prove this; all right, I accept your argument
as the only one possible in your position, but nevertheless I think that I
could prove to you that this is nothing other than a sophism. But let us
postpone this for another occasion; some day it will come. And I hope
that you will give me the chance to reply. But at the present moment
I shall only say this: if your defeatism and the defeat of the USSR has
as its object the restoration of Socialism in the USSR, real Socialism,
according to you — Trotzkyism, then, insofar as we have destroyed their
leaders and cadres, defeatism and the defeat of the USSR has neither
an objective nor any sense. As a result of defeat now there would come
the enthronement of some Fiihrer or fascist Tsar. Is that not so?
R. — It is true. Without flattery on my part — your deduction is
G. — Well, if, as I assume, you assert this sincerely, then we have
achieved a great deal: I am a Stalinist and you a Trotzkyist; we have
achieved the impossible. We have reached the point at which our views
coincide. The coincidence lies in that at the present moment the USSR
must not be destroyed.
R. — I must confess that I had not expected to face such a clever
person. In fact at the present stage and for some years we cannot think
of the defeat of the USSR and to provoke it, as it is known that we
are at present in such a position, that we can not seize power. We. the
Communists, would derive no profit from it. This is exact and coincides
with your view. We can not be interested now in the collapse of the
Stalinist State; I say this and at the same time I assert that this State,
apart from all that has been said, is anti-Communistic. You see that I
G — I see that. This is the only way in which we can come to
terms. I would ask you, before you continue, to explain to me that
which seems to me a contradiction: if the Soviet State is anti-
Communistic to you, then why should you not wish its destruction at
the given moment? Someone else might be less anti-Communistic and
then there would be fewer obstacles to the restoration of your pure
R. — No, no, this deduction is too simple. Although the Stalinist
bonapartism also opposes Communism as the napoleonic one opposed
the revolution, but the circumstance is clear that, nevertheless, the USSR
continues to preserve its Communistic form and dogma; this is formal
and not real Communism. And thus, like the disappearance of Trotzky
gave Stalin the possibility automatically to transform real Communism
into the formal one, so also the disappearance of Stalin will allow us to
transform his formal Communism into a real one. One hour would
suffice for us. Have you understood me?
G.— Yes, of course; you have told us the classical truth that nobody
destroys that which he wants to inherit. Well, all right; all else is sophisti-
cal agility. You rely on the assumption which can be easily disproved: the
assumption of Stalin’s anti-Communism. Is there private property in
the USSR? Is there personal profit? Classes? I shall not continue to
base myself on facts — for what?
R.— I have already agreed that there exists formal Communism. All
that you enumerate are merely forms.
G Yes? For what purpose? From mere obstinacy?
R.— Of course not. This is a necessity. It is impossible to eliminate
the materialistic evolution of history. The most that can be done is to
hold it up. And at what a price? At the cost of its theoretical acceptance,
in order to destroy it in practice. The force which draws humanity
towards Communism is so unconquerable that that same force, but dis-
torted, opposed to itself, can only achieve a slowing down of develop-
ment; more accurately — to slow down the progress of the permanent
G. — An example?
R.— The most obvious— with Hitler. He needed Socialism for
victory over Socialism: it is this his very anti-Socialist Socialism which
is National-Socialism. Stalin needs Communism in order to defeat Com-
munism. The parallel is obvious. But, notwithstanding Hitler’s anti-
Socialism and Stalin’s anti-Communism, both, to their regret and against
their will, transcendentally create Socialism and Communism. . . ; they
and many others. Whether they want it or not, whether they know it
or not, but they create formal Socialism and Communism, which we,
the Communist-Marxists, must inevitably inherit.
G.— Inheritance? Who inherits? Trotskyism is completely
R. — Although you say so, you do not believe it. However great may
be the liquidations, we Communists will survive them. The long arm of
Stalin and his police cannot reach all Communists.
G. — Rakovsky, I ask you, and if necessary command, to refrain
from offensive hints. Do not go too far in taking advantage of your
“diplomatic imm unity.”
R. — Do I have credentials? Whose ambassador am I?
G.— Precisely of that unreachable Trotskyism, if we agree to call
R. — I cannot be a diplomat of Trotskyism, of which you hint. I
have not been given that right to represent it, and I have not taken this
role on myself. You have given it to me.
G. — I begin to trust you. I take note in your favour that at my
hint about this Trotzkyism you did not deny it. This is already a good
R. — But how can I deny it? After all, I myself mentioned it.
G. — Insofar as we have recognized the existence of this special
Trotzkyism by our mutual arrangement, I want you to give definite facts,
which are necessary for the investigation of the given coincidence.
R — Yes, I shall be able to mention that which you consider neces-
sary to know and I shall do it on my own initiative, but I shall not
be able to assert that this is always the thinking also of “Them.”
G— Yes, I shall look on it like that.
R.— We agreed that at the present moment the opposition cannot
be interested in defeatism and the fall of Stalin, insofar as we do not
have the physical possibility of taking his place. This is what we
both agree. At present this is an incontrovertible fact. However, there
is in existence a possible aggressor. There he is, that great nihilist Hitler,
who is aiming with his terrible weapon of the Wehrmacht at the whole
horizon. Whether we want it or not, but he will use it against the
USSR? Let us agree that for us this is the decisive unknown factor. Do
you consider that the problem has been correctly stated?
G. — It has been well put. But I can say that for me there is no
unknown factor. I consider the attack of Hitler on the USSR to be
R. — Why?
G. — Very simple; because he who controls it is inclined towards
attack. Hitler is only the condottiere of international Capitalism.
R.-^-I agree that there is a danger, but from that to the assumption
on this ground of the inevitability of his attack on the USSR — there is a
G. — The attack on the USSR is determined by the very essence of
Fascism. In addition he is impelled towards it by all those Capitalist
States which had allowed him to re-arm and to take all the necessary
economic and strategical bases. This is quite obvious.
R. — You forget something very important. The re-armament of
Hitler and the assistance he received at the present time from the
Versailles nations (take gq§©d note of this) — were received by him during
a special period, when we^pujd still have become the heirs of Stalin in
the case of his defeat, when the opposition still existed. . . Do you
consider this fact to be a matter of chance or only a coincidence in time?
\/ G ,r I n° not Sf® connexion between the pennission of the
Versailles Powers of German re-armament and the existence of the
opposition . . The trajectory of Hitlerism is in itself clear and logical.
The attack on the USSR was part of his programme already a long
time ago. The destruction of Communism and expansion in the East
these are dogmas from the book “Mein Kampf” that Talmud of
NaUonal-Socialism .... but that your defeatists wanted to take advantage
of this threat to the USSR— that is, of course, in accordance with your
tram of thought. }
, . % "Yes, at a first glance this appears to be natural and logical, too
logical and natural for the truth. 6 '
,y° prevent this happening, so that Hitler would not attack us,
we wouldmave to entrust ourselves to an ahiance with France , but
that would be a naivete. It would mean that we believe that Capitalism
would be willing to make sacrifices for the sake of saving Communism.
- If we shall continue the discussion only on the foundation of
those conceptions which apply for use at mass meetings, then you are
quite right. j But if you are sincere in saying this then, forgive me, I am
disappointed; I had thought that the politics of the famous Stalinist police
stand on a higher level.
Hitlerist attack on the USSR is, in addition, a dialectical
necessity; it is the same as the inevitable struggle of the classes in the
international plane. At the side of Hitler, inevitably, there will stand
the whole global Capitalism.
R —-And so, belieVe me, that in the light of your scholastic dialectics
1 have formed a very negative opinion about the political culture of
Stalinism. I listen to your words as Einstein could listen to a schoolboy
talking about physics m four dimensions. I see that you are only
acquainted with elementary Marxism, i.e. with the demagogic, popular
, f your explanation will not be too long and involved, I should
be grateful to you for some explanation of this “relativity” or “quantum”
R. Here there is no irony; I am speaking with the best in-
tentions. , In this same elementary Marxism, which is taught even in
your Stalinist University, you can find the statement which contradicts
lu of your thesis about the inevitability of the Hitlerist attack on
the USSR. You are also taught that the cornerstone of Marxism is the
assertion that, supposedly, contradictions are the incurable and fatal
illness of Capitalism. . , Is that not so?
G. — Yes, of course.
• ' R : — But if things are in fact such that we accuse Capitalism of
bemg imbued with continuous Capitalistic contradictions in the sphere
of economics, then why should it necessarily suffer from them also in
politics? The political and economic is of no importance in itself; this is
a condition or measurement of the social essence, but contradictions
arise in the social sphere, and are reflected simultaneously in the econo-
mic or political ones, or in both at the same time. It would be absurd
to assume fallibility in economics and simultaneously infallibility in
politics — which is something essential in order that an attack on the
USSR should become inevitable— according to your postulate — absolutely
G. — This means that you rely in everything on the contradictions,
fatality and inevitability of the errors which must be committed by the
bourgeoisie, which will hinder Hitler from attacking the USSR. I am
a Marxist, Rakovsky, but here, between ourselves, in order not to
provide the pretext for anger to a single activist, I say to you that with
all my faith in Marx I would not believe that the USSR exists thanks
to the mistakes of its enemies. . . And I think that Stalin shares the
R. — But I do think so. . . Do not look at me like that, as I am not
joking and am not mad.
G. — Permit me at least to doubt it, until you will have proved your
R. — Do you now see that I had reasons for qualifying your Marxist
culture as being doubtful? Your arguments and reactions are the same
as any rank and file activist
G— And they are wrong?
R. — Yes, they are correct for a small administrator, for a bureaucrat
and for the mass. They suit the average fighter. . . They must believe
this and repeat everything as it has been written. Listen to me by way
of the completely confidential. With Marxism you get the same results
as with the ancient esoteric religions. Their adherents had to know only
that which was the most elementary and crude, insofar as by this one
provoked their faith, i.e. that which is absolutely essential, both in
religion and in the work of revolution.
G.— -Do you not now want to open up to me the mystical Marxism,
something like yet another freemasonry?
R. — No, no esoterics. On the contrary, I shall explain it with the
maximal clarity. Marxism, before being a philosophical, economic and
political system, is a conspiracy for the revolution. And as for us the
revolution is the only absolute reali
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